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Italy’s center-left has a foreign policy problem. Again

The problem goes beyond the usual difficulties of building an electoral coalition. The center-left still contains different approaches to Russia, the war in Ukraine and, more broadly, Italy’s positioning within the Euro-Atlantic framework

ROME – As Democratic Party leader Elly Schlein appears ready to put herself forward as the leader — and potential prime minister — of a united center-left, the political bloc she hopes to represent has yet to settle one of the most consequential questions for any future Italian government: foreign policy.

Why it matters: A coalition can postpone disagreements while in opposition. Governing requires choices — particularly when those choices concern military assistance, relations with allies and Italy’s response to hostile foreign activity.

The Russia test. The clearest fault line remains Ukraine.

  • Tensions between the PD and the Five Star Movement have repeatedly exposed different instincts over how far Italy should go in supporting Kyiv and confronting Moscow. That divergence matters even more as Russia itself increasingly directs its messaging toward Italy.
  • Russian Foreign Minister Sergey Lavrov’s recent intervention on Russian state television targeted Prime Minister Giorgia Meloni, criticizing Italy’s continued support for Kyiv and its refusal to recognize Russian control over occupied Ukrainian territory. 

The bigger problem. It’s not just Ukraine. The PD is internally divided over antisemitism and Israel, while the Five Star Movement has leaned into an increasingly anti-Israel posture that fits a broader anti-Western reading of international affairs — one with clear appeal to its populist base.

  • Add its softer approach to Russia, and the problem becomes structural: the center-left still lacks a shared view of where Italy should stand internationally.

But foreign policy carries a different weight. Italy’s Euro-Atlantic alignment, its approach to Russia and its response to Chinese interference should ideally provide areas of strategic continuity rather than become ordinary left-right dividing lines.

  • That does not require parties to erase legitimate political differences. It requires agreement on where partisan competition ends and national security begins.

The bottom line: Foreign actors benefit from political fractures they can exploit and deepen.

  • If Schlein wants to present the center-left as a credible alternative government, agreeing on a candidate for prime minister is only part of the job. The coalition also needs to show that, on Italy’s fundamental international positioning, it knows where it stands.

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