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How Putin seeps into Italian middle schools

On September 23, the Gino Germani Institute will present a study in the Sala Caduti di Nassirya of the Italian Senate on Russian strategic narratives in Italian middle school (lower secondary school) textbooks, authored by Massimiliano Di Pasquale and Iryna Kashchey. This is a sensitive issue. It targets students who are approaching the study of Europe and its history for the first time.

Decoding the news. The study builds on a 2021 Germani Institute project examining Russian influence in Italy (media, think tanks, academia).

  • “We found narratives in school textbooks very similar to those of the Kremlin,” Di Pasquale explained to Decode39.
  • The textbook market is highly concentrated: “Three large publishing groups control most of the major school publishers,” notes the author, potentially spreading the impact.

By the numbers:

  • 28 textbooks from all major publishers, covering history and geography, were analysed (2010–2024).
  • The extended timeframe was chosen to track narrative evolution: “Some texts began to convey Kremlin-driven narratives even before 2014.”
  • 4 textbooks studied in depth: two chosen randomly, two selected for particularly problematic content.
    • One reviewed twice: “But the changes did not alter the theoretical framework, still tainted by narratives of Russian grandeur.”

The seven narratives identified

  • Donbas: described as a Russian region; in one text, the conflict is labelled a “civil war” rather than Russian aggression.
  • Crimea: “Always Russian and returned to Russia after a referendum” — with no context on the 2014 armed annexation.
  • Kyiv Rus’: depicted as the origin of the Russian state, erasing its historical confederation.
  • Backward Ukraine: portrayed as poor, corrupt, born “by chance” after the USSR’s collapse; in some cases, its economy is “based on weapons,” fostering hostility toward Kyiv.
  • NATO encirclement: presented as justification for Russian aggression.
  • “Russian region”: Ukraine, Belarus, Moldova, and the Baltics are grouped under a “common destiny.” One exercise asked students to calculate the distances between Russian cities, including Kyiv and the Baltic capitals.
  • Russian culture: conflated with all Eastern culture, overshadowing the contributions of other nations.

Between the lines. The broader pattern “revives the myth of peace and of Russian great culture, which is well known in Italy,” says Di Pasquale.

  • No direct link to Putin: “But there has been acceptance or neglect in including these narratives.”
  • Basic errors reinforce the picture: Odesa is defined as “the second Ukrainian city and in Crimea.” Di Pasquale: “We know well it is neither (Kharkiv is the second city) nor the other.” Odesa lies hundreds of kilometres away from Crimea.

What we’re watching. “Review commissions are needed to examine inaccuracies, mistakes and distortions,” Di Pasquale suggested.

  • Open questions: What will high school textbooks show? What about other European countries?
  • The issue is not just about editorial quality but also cultural and educational security: propaganda as an active tool of Russian foreign policy.

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