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Italy and Greece drill in the Red Sea as Houthi threat looms

A joint Italian-Greek naval exercise signals growing European readiness in the Red Sea, as the risk of renewed Houthi attacks on shipping raises concerns over global energy flows and maritime security.

What happened: The Italian frigate Luigi Rizzo and the Greek frigate HS Hydra conducted a joint naval exercise, including complex maneuvers and simultaneous flight operations, in the Red Sea theater.

Why it matters: The drill is not only routine. It comes at a moment of rising uncertainty over a possible resumption of Houthi attacks on commercial shipping — potentially linked to ongoing or future Iranian retaliatory actions  against U.S. and Israel — a scenario that could hit global energy flows harder than disruptions in Hormuz.

Why the Houthis: The Houthis are a Yemeni Shiite insurgent movement controlling much of northern Yemen, aligned with Iran through military support and strategic coordination.

  • Since the Gaza war, they have framed attacks on Israel and Red Sea shipping as part of a broader anti-Western axis targeting key Indo-Mediterranean maritime routes, with renewed threats in recent weeks tied to regional escalation.
  • Dynamics that the ongoing Trump-Iran truce can only pause.

The EU line: defensive, but present: European sources stress that EUNAVFOR Aspides operates under a strictly defensive mandate.

  • Its mission: protect civilian shipping
  • Its logic: safeguard global commons
  • Its framing: contribute to regional stability, not escalation
  • In short, Brussels is trying to balance deterrence with de-escalation — projecting presence without signaling offensive intent.

Zoom in: a fragile maritime equilibrium. The Red Sea is entering a volatile phase.

  • The Houthis have:
    • launched multiple drone and missile attacks against Israel (all intercepted so far)
    • signaled readiness to resume attacks on shipping
    • linked their posture to Iran and the broader regional conflict
  • These are not yet large-scale operations — but nuisance attacks with strategic signaling value.

The real risk: Bab el-Mandeb, not Hormuz. If attacks resume, the chokepoint to watch is the Bab el-Mandeb, not the Strait of Hormuz.

  • What’s important:
    • Over 5 million barrels/day of Saudi crude transit southbound
    • This flow is critical for Asian energy security
    • Disruption here would hit supply stability, not just prices
  • In short: Hormuz shocks markets. Bab el-Mandeb risks systemic disruption.

Military balance: deterrence exists — but is fragmented. A strong naval presence can keep shipping lanes open. EU forces under Aspides are already deployed from Djibouti, supported by additional European naval and air assets.

  • However:
    • U.S. Central Command may lack bandwidth to lead
    • Destroyer Squadron 50 is heavily engaged elsewhere
    • This creates gaps in intelligence, command and control, and coordination
  • Capability exists, but leadership remains uncertain.

The Saudi factor: a hidden escalation trigger. A renewed Houthi campaign would:

    • threaten Saudi Arabia’s last viable export route
    • risk ending the fragile ceasefire in place since 2022
  • Saudi naval involvement would likely follow, potentially alongside Egypt under their strengthened bilateral cooperation.
  • This would transform a contained threat into a broader regional naval confrontation.

The bottom line: The Italian-Greek exercise is a small signal of a bigger shift:

  • Europe is positioning itself as a maritime security actor
  • The Red Sea is becoming a test case for non-U.S.-led naval coordination
  • The next phase will depend less on capabilities and more on who takes command

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