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China Doesn’t Want to Import Anymore. So What Now?

A new Financial Times column by Robin Harding argues that China is moving toward an economic model in which it no longer wants to import anything strategic from abroad. That shift alters the fundamental mechanics of globalisation and forces Europe and industrial democracies to reassess their relationship with Beijing.

Decoding the news: If one of the world’s biggest economies stops being a genuine destination for high‑value exports and becomes only an export machine, global trade turns into a zero‑sum game.

  • Chinese growth no longer lifts other economies — it pushes them out of markets.
  • Italian government sources confirm that this scenario is already the subject of analysis and simulations.

Harding’s take: In China, Harding asks economists and business leaders what the country expects to buy from the rest of the world in the future. No one offers a convincing answer beyond commodities and consumer goods.

  • China still imports semiconductors, machinery and software, but behaves like a medical resident: it learns, imitates, and replaces. The goal is to produce everything domestically — and export it.
  • A deep sense of insecurity sits underneath: U.S. export controls are seen as tools of containment. China’s response is to eliminate every external dependency.
  • The outcome is a structurally imbalanced trading system: Beijing wants to sell, not buy. For economies like Germany, South Korea, Japan, and Italy, that means shrinking export opportunities.

The emerging scenario: If China stops importing high-value goods, advanced economies will lose a critical market for growth, jobs, and innovation.

  • Globalisation shifts: Chinese growth no longer expands global demand—it drains market share elsewhere. An upgrade in China’s GDP forecast becomes a downgrade for others.
  • Harding sees only two paths for Europe: reform to stay competitive or raise barriers. Reforms are slow and politically costly; protectionism is risky but increasingly likely.

Zooming out: de‑risking and new value geographies. Harding’s argument fits into a larger trend: the EU’s de-risking push vis-à-vis China. It’s not just political caution — it’s a redesign of entire value chains, from semiconductors to batteries.

  • “Resilient” supply chains are not just a slogan; they imply shifting investment, production capacity, and technological standards toward more trusted partners.
  • Three layers drive this shift:
    • the transatlantic axis (U.S.–EU),
    • like‑minded Asian partners (Japan, South Korea, Taiwan),
    • and major emerging players with global ambitions (India, Gulf economies, select African nations).

Yes, but: China remains central. Even under de‑risking, China remains the world’s largest manufacturing hub and a rising tech power. Complete “decoupling” is unrealistic.

  • Transitioning to new supply chains will be a long, expensive, and politically sensitive process: moving production means relocating jobs and securing political consensus.
  • Meanwhile, a China less dependent on imports can adopt a more assertive posture across Asia, with fewer fears of coordinated economic retaliation.
    • In a backcasting exercise, Chatham House even modelled a scenario in which Beijing dominates the Indo‑Pacific by 2035: go deeper.

What to watch next:

  • Priorities in China’s next Five‑Year Plan: so far, manufacturing and technology consistently outrank domestic consumption.
  • How the EU translates de-risking into policy: investment screening, public procurement rules, and incentives for critical sectors.
  • The role of hubs such as India and Gulf countries in Europe’s diversification strategy — especially for energy, critical minerals and green technologies.

The bottom line: If China continues to pursue export-driven growth while minimising and selectively importing, advanced economies will have to rewrite the implicit contract of globalisation.

  • Competing will no longer be enough; they must redesign where, with whom, and under what rules value is created, accepting that industrial policy is returning to the centre of Western strategy.

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