The following are extracts from our sister website’s original interview with Deputy Foreign Minister Edmondo Cirielli. Read the full interview below.
On Italy’s international standing. “[A]ll over the world, there is a realisation that Italy is no longer a second-tier country. Today there is a patriotic and authoritative government that has a strong popular consensus, with a leader who has clear ideas and who wants to relaunch, within the Atlantic framework of the European Union, Italy’s centrality and responsibility at the international level, first and foremost in the areas of our responsibility.”
On NATO. “[W]e believe the Atlantic Alliance is the most important thing that has happened in these seventy years on the international level; it has guaranteed peace and security worldwide […] in an increasingly dangerous world, which has become even more dangerous because of Russia. In short, we are fervent supporters of strengthening NATO.”
On the Balkans. “[W]e are already leading actors now. Foreign Minister Tajani has given new impetus in this direction, and we will not stop our commitment, and more importantly, our responsibility. […] it is proper for a great nation like Italy, on behalf of the European Union and NATO, to uphold its share of responsibility and engagement.”
On Ukraine. “On [supporting] Kyiv, there are no divisions; the majority is granitic. If anything, the problem was with the last majority, where influential members of the executive took separate and distant positions from the government. We, on the other hand, prepared a precise program in the election campaign.”
On Russia. “Italy in the past also played the role of mediator with the demands of the Russian people, which we recognise to be something different from [Vladimir] Putin’s Russia. But we note that, at this moment, there is a climate of impossibility for dialogue until Moscow restores the rules of international law.”
Not many months ago, French President Emmanuel Macron explained that NATO was “brain dead” and affirmed the principle of Europe’s strategic autonomy. Today the EU signs a new agreement with NATO. Is it a step forward or a step backwards?
It is definitely a step forward. I mean, we are used to some of France’s statements being sometimes more inward-looking: that is, due to domestic policy issues rather than foreign policy issues, so we should not be too alarmed. Yesterday’s agreement certainly is a positive thing: we believe the Atlantic Alliance is the most important thing that has happened in these seventy years on the international level, it has guaranteed peace and security worldwide and especially to the members of the Alliance in the future, in an increasingly dangerous world, which has become even more dangerous because of Russia. In short, we are fervent supporters of strengthening NATO. So anything that goes in this direction is absolutely positive.
Could the upcoming Balkan conference be an opportunity for Italy to become a pivot in the Balkan ridge?
We have always played an important role there. Let us not forget the fruitful work of our military deployed between Bosnia and Kosovo, as well as the effective work done in relations with Albania and, at any rate, also with Serbia. Italians are the ones who talk the most and with everyone. Honestly, we have been defending the skies of Croatia and Slovenia the longest. In short, we are already leading actors now. Foreign Minister [Antonio] Tajani has given new impetus in this direction, and we will not stop our commitment and, more importantly, our responsibility. I’d like to note that Italy does not have an imperialist perspective; rather, the Western Balkans are our natural cone of interest: they are right in front of us and it is proper for a great nation like Italy, on behalf of the European Union and NATO, to uphold its share of responsibility and engagement.
Some media outlets have pointed out delays or hesitation on behalf of the Meloni government in providing military assistance to Ukraine. Is this fake news, or are there divisions in the majority on supporting the government in Kyiv?
On Kyiv, there are no divisions; the majority is granitic. If anything, the problem was with the last majority, where influential members of the executive took separate and distant positions from the government. We, on the other hand, prepared a specific program in the election campaign: let us remember that for 20 years, centre-left governments have made appalling cuts in the defence sector, and this, in some ways, has impoverished our Armed Forces. So right now, we have done the most we could. Indeed, considering the state of the art for cuts made in the past, I would say Italy has done even more than other nations.
After the Quirinal Treaty with France, Italy is working on an enhanced understanding with Germany. Is this a plan the Meloni government deems worthy of further consideration?
I think so. Germany is Italy’s natural and historical partner: we have a deep cultural and human connection and a complete identity of views. We will work to have a privileged relationship, as is right between Italy and Germany. In addition, the German government also had significant – and much appreciated – attitudes of openness concerning the requests brought forward by Giorgia Meloni: something we were very pleased about.
Foreign Minister Tajani also revived the importance of Tunisia from the standpoint of countering migration. What about Libya? Is the Mediterranean issue still central? Is there a new, more optimistic climate about stability in the area?
Let’s say that I see both an attitude and a new climate, in the sense that all over the world, including in North Africa, there is a realisation that Italy is no longer a second-tier country. Today there is a patriotic and authoritative government that has a solid popular consensus, with a leader who has clear ideas and who wants to relaunch, within the Atlantic framework of the European Union, Italy’s centrality and responsibility at the international level, first and foremost in the areas of our responsibility. More than interest, I would speak of areas of responsibility involving the Western Balkans, North Africa, and the Mediterranean. So, from this point of view, everyone understood that we will be there.
In the space of a very few days, Giorgia Meloni met in Rome with EPP President Manfred Weber, German Chancellor Olaf Scholz, EU Commission President Ursula von der Leyen, Japanese PM Fumio Kishida: what is the new Italian government’s international positioning?
We are firmly and consistently hinged in the Atlantic Alliance and the European Union. In this framework, we are a great nation that has its own diplomatic line, and we, having millenarian diplomacy, clearly look with great interest also at people that have a common millenarian tradition. I’m thinking of India and the Arabian Peninsula, [as well as] the Mongolian tradition, Kazakhstan and Central Asia: more than anything else, we would also try to have a privileged line, always in the coherence of the central and fundamental agreements that we are part of in the Atlantic Alliance and the European Union. We would also have it with Moscow, but unfortunately [Vladimir] Putin’s Russia has taken a different path. In the past, Italy also played the role of mediator with the demands of the Russian people, which we recognise to be something different from [Mr] Putin’s Russia. But we note that, at this moment, there is a climate of impossibility for dialogue until Moscow restores the rules of international law.
