As Italy aims to expand its political, economic, and security influence, the core challenge lies in turning ambition into sustained policy, structured partnerships, and lasting institutional engagement. Distinguished experts assess how Italy is integrating economic diplomacy, security cooperation, and supply-chain resilience into its wider transatlantic and European agenda, while outlining the concrete tools and frameworks needed to ensure a durable Indo-Pacific presence.
Italy as an Indo-Mediterranean Power: Naval Projection and Strategic Convergence with Japan and India, by Ambassador Francesco Maria Talò – Special Envoy of the Italian Government for IMEC India Middle East Corridor
Is Italy becoming an Indo-Pacific power? Increasingly so, particularly under the government led by Giorgia Meloni. This evolution reflects a strategic vision that projects the Mediterranean onto a global horizon, within what is now increasingly described as an Indo-Mediterranean framework. Today, the Mediterranean is truly the “sea in the middle”: the basin lying between the world’s two main maritime spaces, the Atlantic and the Indo-Pacific. Italy sits at the heart of the Mediterranean, a fully integrated member of the Euro-Atlantic community and of the cultural and political West, while being ever more oriented towards the Indo-Pacific.
In this context, Prime Minister Takaichi’s landslide electoral victory could provide a boost by linking two maritime and export-oriented powers located at opposite ends of a vast strategic space and united by the fundamental importance they attach to freedom of navigation. The relevance of the Japan–Italy relationship thus comes clearly into focus. Italy is now characterized by a stable government led by another woman who has reshaped her country’s political landscape. The strong personal relationship between Giorgia Meloni and Sanae Takaichi was reaffirmed in January during the Italian Prime Minister’s visit to Tokyo and highlights the complementarity between Japan’s priority of a free and open Indo-Pacific and Italy’s Indo- Mediterranean vision.
This convergence is reinforced by growing economic activism and by the now regular presence of the Italian Navy in the Indo-Pacific, culminating in the deployment of the Cavour carrier strike group with embarked fifth-generation F-35 fighters. To this must be added another key relationship developed by Italy in recent years: that with India, the world’s most populous country and the fastest-growing major economy. Here too, the special relationship forged by Prime Minister Meloni with Prime Minister Modi stands out, as does the remarkable fact that three major bilateral business forums have been held under the chairmanship of Foreign Minister Antonio Tajani in just eight months.
From China Normalization to IMEC: Institutionalizing Italy’s Indo-Pacific Strategy, by Filippo Fasulo – Head of Geoeconomics Center, Italian Institute for International Political Studies (ISPI)
Italy’s strategy in the Indo-Pacific is evolving into a structured geopolitical framework. This approach centers on the normalization of relations with China, while remaining strictly aligned with the position of Brussels to ensure European cohesion. Simultaneously, Rome is diversifying its regional partnerships, focusing particularly on Japan and India. This pivot has been bolstered by Prime Minister Meloni’s solid personal relationships with regional leaders, translating diplomatic rapport into a foundation for security cooperation.
To achieve a clearer strategic role, Italy must prioritize continuity and a greater institutionalization of these ties. A key initiative is the IMEC (India-Middle East-Europe Economic Corridor), a vital project to integrate Italy into regional trade routes and enhance supply-chain resilience. Furthermore, sustained growth requires simplifying investment processes and developing clear lines of political coordination within the G7 and G20 with like-minded countries in the Indo-Pacific.
Beyond economic ties, Italy’s commitment is increasingly visible through its naval diplomacy. Significant examples include the recent deployment of the aircraft carrier Cavour and the frigate Alpino, which conducted joint exercises with regional partners, as well as the long-term mission of the offshore patrol vessel Francesco Morosini. These operations underscore Rome’s intent to contribute actively to maritime stability and freedom of navigation. This multidimensional approach effectively links economic diplomacy with broader security priorities. By moving beyond declarations toward a permanent presence, Italy can establish itself as a more durable and authoritative actor in this decisive global theater.
De-risking and Strategic Realism: Italy’s Cautious Expansion in the Indo-Pacific, by Enrico Fardella – Associate Professor at the University of Naples ‘L’Orientale’ and Associate Director of the Guarini Institute for Public Affairs at John Cabot University in Rome
Italy’s Indo-Pacific profile under Giorgia Meloni is becoming more visible, but it remains a work in progress. Recent outreach to Japan and India signals a deliberate attempt to anchor Italy’s regional presence in a limited number of strategic partnerships. With Japan, Rome is strengthening cooperation on security, defence industry, and technological resilience, positioning itself within a broader architecture aimed at safeguarding stability in the Indo-Pacific. With India, the emphasis is more economic and industrial, focused on investment, co-production, and innovation, with the goal of diversifying partnerships in key sectors.
This emerging approach fits squarely within the context of intensifying US–China competition.
Italy’s moves reflect a growing alignment with the United States and like-minded partners, while also acknowledging the need to reduce vulnerabilities created by excessive dependence on China in critical supply chains and technologies. Rather than a dramatic shift, Rome is pursuing a cautious recalibration: expanding its presence in the Indo-Pacific without framing it as a confrontational posture.
The real test, however, lies in implementation. High-level visits and political declarations must translate into sustained policy tools, institutional coordination, and long-term commitments. In this sense, Italy’s Indo-Pacific engagement is best read as a concrete extension of the European de-risking agenda: not decoupling, but a selective diversification of partners and instruments to strengthen economic security and strategic autonomy.
The Indo-Pacific as Economic Diversification: Growing Ambitions, Structural Constraints, by Alberto Rizzi – Policy Fellow at the European Council on Foreign Relations, Rome Office (ECFR)
In recent years, Italy has significantly increased its engagement with Indo-Pacific countries, signaling a shift in its strategy towards the region. Started with a security angle, this approach has rapidly developed into an economic effort, seeking to strengthen trade ties and industrial opportunities. In fact, the Indo-Pacific features prominently in the Italian MFA’s export strategy: both India and ASEAN are among the most promising extra-EU markets, while Japan and South Korea represent ideal destinations for deeper industrial partnerships. Even though the US continues to be the main non-EU export market for Italian goods, trade uncertainties are pushing Italy to diversify in the Indo-Pacific.
The cornerstone of Italy’s geoeconomic engagement in the region is undoubtedly the India – Middle East – Europe Economic Corridor (IMEC), of which Italy is a signatory. This flagship European connectivity initiative has received an additional boost by the EU-India trade deal in late January: the agreement will provide the soft infrastructure to complement the railways, ports and submarine cables of IMEC. To Italy, India is a fundamental component of de-risking efforts away from China and lower tariffs on industrial machinery will help the establishment of supply chains.
Although the Indo-Pacific has quickly surged in Italian foreign policy priorities, the country is still a middle power and a permanent military presence is unrealistic, since it would stretch Rome’s naval assets too thin. At the same time, trade with the region – however growing and promising – is limited compared to bilateral exchanges with China.
